Ethnicity And Nationalism Theory And Comparison Pdf

ethnicity and nationalism theory and comparison pdf

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Niels C.

What Is Nationalism?

The Mass Psychology of Ethnonationalism pp Cite as. Nationalism, like nation, is very hard to define clearly and unequivocally. The contention that nationalism is what nationalists make of it is, in fact, an evasion. There are no two authors, whether sociologists, historians, political scientists, or psychologists, who define nationalism in the same way. This may lead novices in the study of nationalism to infer that, having read a few works on the subject, they are even less knowledgeable than when they began.

Unable to display preview. Download preview PDF. Skip to main content. This service is more advanced with JavaScript available. Advertisement Hide. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves. This is a preview of subscription content, log in to check access. Nationalism as a term was mentioned for the first time in at Leipzig University. It was not before the end of the eighteenth century that it began to be used in the sense of national egoism, cf.

Hyslop, B. Google Scholar. Many scholars who have dealt with nationalism share the idea that nationalism is but a modern form of the human tendency to congregate and to submit to a social entity that is dominant, that is most important, at a given epoch.

Yet it is nationalism, far more than any other expression of human gregariousness, which has come to the fore in modern times. There is little to suggest that the combination of cultural and political unity in the idea of the nation state is the last, or that is the highest, of those mortal gods to which men have sometimes paid undue adoration. Nationalism does both; it is a comprehensive doctrine which leads to a distinctive style of politics If confusion exists, it is because nationalist doctrine has annexed these universally held sentiments to the service of a specific anthropology and metaphysic.

It was Nairn who first said that nationalism can be pictured as the old Roman god, Janus. The distinctions do not imply the existence of two brands of nationalism, one healthy and one morbid.

The point is, as the most elementary comparative analysis will show, that all nationalism is both healthy and morbid. Both progress and regress are inscribed in its genetic code from the start. This a structural fact about it.

And it is a fact to which there are no exceptions: in this sense, it is an exact not a rhetorical statement about nationalism to say that it is by nature ambivalent. Mazzini was the first to argue for a need to distinguish a good and a bad nationalism Hertz, , and Balibar points out that all the questions concerning the definition of nationalism revolve around the dilemma: a good nationalism or a bad nationalism.

The authors of a report on nationalism, published by the Royal Institute of International Affairs , in a introductory note point to this twofold meaning of nationalism. In short, the term is used in such a sense that Mazzini, Gladstone, and Woodrow Wilson can be described as exponents of nationalism, as well as Herr Hitler. Like the different concepts of nation, there are different understandings of nationalism in these regions.

Germanophilism and Slavophilism provide examples of central-eastern European nationalism, in which the emphasis is on Eigenart or samobytnost. Arendt calls the western European type of nationalism chauvinism, and the central and easternEuropean, tribal nationalism.

In psychological terms, the chief difference between even the most violent chauvinism and this tribal nationalism is that one is extroverted, concerned with visible, spiritual and material achievements of the nation, whereas the other, even in the mildest forms The prevailing concept of the community in the region is not the classical-liberal one of a voluntary association of individuals who, in the pursuit of their private ends, join and leave the community by free choice.

Instead, the community is seen as an organic whole to which individuals are expected to suboordinate their private their private ends and in which all cooperate to pursue their common value. A common substance of citizenship was said to exist, of which all could partake. No longer would royal or princely dynasties take the place of popular self-expression. The general will became a secular religion, the people worshipping themselves, and the new politics to guide and formalize this worship.

Mead emphasizers that war depends upon the establishment of unequivocal and mutually exclusive identities and loyalties, today represented by national boundaries. The question arises how feasible are these solutions. As far as the depatriotizing is concerned, the author is very skceptical. As fast as alliances could be forged in one direction, they would be broken in another. The natural tendency to form social in-groups could never be eradicated without a major genetical change in our make-up, and one which would automatically cause our complex social structure to desintegrate.

Scheff also blames excessive committment to only one social group for one of the most devastating plights humans may experience. Connor states that the question of accommodating ethnonational heterogeneity within a single state revolves about two loyalties—loyalty to the national and loyalty to the state, and gives his opinion about the most likely outcome of this conflict of loyalties.

The ambiguity of the meaning of the nation. Is it the government in power? Is it the system of government? Is it the moral creed or the historic ideas on which government rests.

Is it the duly elected leaders? Is it the enduring cultural complex? It is thus possible for all manner of activities to be defined as loyal by all manner of men.

The legal documents define disloyalty: treason, espionage, sabotage, and related crimes. A citizen can be exclusively concerned with private affairs and he can still assume that his fulfils his role as citizen The center of his life and the center of his interests are rarely the nation. The segmentation of life makes possible the segmentation of loyalties. Expressions of loyalty to the nation seldom conflict with the expression of other loyalties.

According to Hertz , national aspirations are composed of four elements: the striving for national unity, the striving for national freedom, the striving for separateness, distinctiveness, individuality, originality, or peculiarity, and the striving for distinction among nations.

Hertz considers the striving for distinction among nations to be the strongest of all four aspirations and to underlie them all. Distinction is to be made between crimes inspired by a supraindividual entity and committed in its name and crimes, the perpetrator of which, tries to justify by referring to the dictates and interests of a supraindividual entity.

Braunthal , in a more open and direct form, expresses the same opinion about the perilousness of nationalist views. In the age of modern warfare and world-wide economic interdependence it became, however, the most destructive force.

Hitherto, nationalist emotion sought its political satisfaction in the sovereignty and grandeur of the national State. In the atomic age, however, national egotism conflicts with the conditions for national self-preservation, because national self-preservation requires the subordination of national sovereignty to an international sovereignty and the subordination of national economic interests to those of the whole world. The true nationalist must therefore become a true internationalist in order to avoid the peril of the impoverishment and destruction of his nation.

This author points out that the dehumanization of people of other races is a part of the rationalization process designed to provide acceptable reason for killing, especially mass killing. Rationalization actually encompasses two steps. The first step is deindividualization: people of another ethnonational background and another race, too are not looked upon as individuals but rather as a type or a stereotype.

The stereotypical view of other people supersedes the individualized approach aimed at respecting the individual specificities of every human being. McCall et al. Although they considers a relationship between two individuals to be the basic form of social relationship and thereby of social organization, the authors assert that a dyadic relationship is in many regards comparable to relations existing in groups and communities.

Allport points out that attitude and belief are at one and the same time related and different, particularly ethnocentric attitudes and beliefs e. The process is one of rationalization—of the accommodation of beliefs to attitudes.

According to van Dijk , ethnic prejudice has five basic properties. Bay et al. Both can be presented on a dimension.

On one pole of this dimension are persons showing a high power orientation, low people orientation, and strong hostility toward outgroups; on the other pole are persons showing low power orientation, high people orientation, and no or very little hostility to outgroups. According to the authors, people-oriented identification means identifications with people as individual human beings, independently of their social status or power, and power-oriented identification means an identification with symbols of power and authority, that is, with events, institutions, persons, or any other objects in so far as they are perceived as representing power and authority.

Each group nourishes its own pride and vanity, boasts superior, exalts its own divinities, and looks with contempt on outsiders. They do not overlap completely. I have witnessed many a time this kind of switching from one nationalism to another during the most recent clashes among the ethnonational groups in the Balkans.

About the mythopoeic dimension of nationalism see Smith If there is no suitable past, it can always be invented The past legitimizes. Many scholars consider nationalism to be one of the forms of historicist culture cf. Breuilly, ; Smith, , and others. In comparing the popularity of the nationalist and Marxist explications of human suffering, Moore points to the general advantage of nationalism.

There is no need for nuances and complicated causal links. Class consciousness, on the other hand, runs counter to many obvious facts from daily experience. It is also not so easy to make a steelworker believe that he has a great deal in common with a brewery worker if the price of beer goes up The foreign enemy is also a relatively safe target for day-to-day symbolic aggression.

Retaliation is far less likely than in the case of an attack on local power-holders. For that reason too the attack is much more likely to attract diverse social support. There are many aspects of the relationship between religion and nationalism.

We will mention but a few of them. Nationalism is a substitute for religion. The binding force of nationalism plays the role which religious beliefs used to perform. Nationalism and proletarianism are secularized alternatives to the surviving religious patterns, answering to the need of personalities to restabilize themselves in a mobile world. The intellect constructs a speculative theology or mythology of nationalism.

Ethnic conflict

An ethnic conflict is a conflict between two or more contending ethnic groups. While the source of the conflict may be political , social, economic or religious, the individuals in conflict must expressly fight for their ethnic group's position within society. This final criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle. Academic explanations of ethnic conflict generally fall into one of three schools of thought: primordialist , instrumentalist or constructivist. Recently, several political scientists have argued for either top-down or bottom-up explanations for ethnic conflict. Intellectual debate has also focused on whether ethnic conflict has become more prevalent since the end of the Cold War , and on devising ways of managing conflicts, through instruments such as consociationalism and federalisation. The causes of ethnic conflict are debated by political scientists and sociologists.

The subject of nationalism is extremely complex, not the least because of the many different sources and manifestations of the phenomenon. This paper will deal essentially with certain contemporary forms of nationalism which have emerged or intensified in Europe and the former Soviet Union during the s. In order to place this discussion in perspective, a brief background of the historical experience is provided at the outset as well as a consideration of some of the basic concepts relating to this phenomenon. As the ensuing discussion will show, it is almost impossible to come up with a uniform definition of nationalism. In its historical context, it is an ideological movement aimed at attaining and maintaining the identity, unity through social cohesion and autonomy through national self-determination of a "nation," or a peoples united under a "national" banner Smith, In other words, it is the most potent ideology in nation state building and consolidation. However, as we will seek to illustrate, nationalism, particularly in the contemporary era, has also been a vehicle for disaffected ethnic or cultural communities to voice their dissatisfaction with the status quo.

Skip to search form Skip to main content You are currently offline. Some features of the site may not work correctly. DOI: Brass Published Sociology. Brass bases his theories on his rather extensive study of the historical and political processes in multi-ethnic societies, especially India. There is much truth in his identification of the problem in the state of Punjab and elsewhere in India, in relentless centralization and, often, some questionable interventionist policies of the central government. View via Publisher.


It is all very Americanas well as very Jewish. What other communal enti- ties in Jewry's long history would have felt the need for such an inquiry and also.


Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison

The Mass Psychology of Ethnonationalism pp Cite as. Nationalism, like nation, is very hard to define clearly and unequivocally. The contention that nationalism is what nationalists make of it is, in fact, an evasion.

Ethnicity and nationalism, interethnic conflicts, and secessionist movements have been major forces shaping the modern world and the structure and stability of contemporary states. In the closing decades of the twentieth century, such forces and movements emerged with new intensity. Drawing examples, from a wide variety of multiethnic situations around the world, with special emphasis on South Asia, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union, the book presents a distinctive theory concerning the origins of ethnic identity and modern nationalism. The theory is based on two focal arguments: one, that ethnicity and nationalism are not "givens" but are social and political constructions; and, two, that ethnicity and nationalism are modern phenomena inseparably connected with the activities of the modern centralizing state.

Civic and ethnic nationalism in East and West

Paul R. Brass

Since the end of communism Eastern Europe has been experiencing a great upsurge in nationalist mobilization. The wars in the former Yugoslavia were the most violent, indeed atrocious result of this development. Social scientists and historians trying to explain the phenomena of East European nationalism need to consider the different legacies of Eastern Europe concerning the question of nationalism in comparison with Western Europe. It will be argued that the terms in question are insufficient as categories and that additional differentiations and terms are needed to get a better framework for analysing and comparing East European nationalism internally and externally. In this essay I will not give an elaborated definition of nationalism. In explaining nation-building in Europe, the major point of differentiation is the interplay of state and nation. East European national movements in most cases were liberation movements which fought for secession from the big multi-ethnic Habsburg, Romanov or Ottoman empires.

Сьюзан хотела что-то сказать, но ее опередил Джабба: - Значит, Танкадо придумал шифр-убийцу.  - Он перевел взгляд на экран. Все повернулись вслед за .

Он швырнул Беккеру ключи от веспы, затем взял свою девушку за руку, и они, смеясь, побежали к зданию клуба. - Aspetta! - закричал Беккер.  - Подождите. Я же просил меня подбросить. ГЛАВА 59 Сьюзан протянула руку, и коммандер Стратмор помог ей подняться по лестнице в помещение шифровалки. А перед глазами у нее стоял образ Фила Чатрукьяна, его искалеченного и обгоревшего тела, распростертого на генераторах, а из головы не выходила мысль о Хейле, притаившемся в лабиринтах шифровалки. Правда открылась со всей очевидностью: Хейл столкнул Чатрукьяна.

What Is Nationalism?

Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison

 Успокойтесь, Джабба, - приказал директор, - и доложите ситуацию. Насколько опасен вирус. Джабба пристально посмотрел на директора и вдруг разразился смехом. - Вирус? - Его грубый хохот разнесся по подземелью.  - Так вы считаете, что это вирус. Фонтейн оставался невозмутимым. Грубость Джаббы была недопустима, но директор понимал, что сейчас не время и не место углубляться в вопросы служебной этики.

Мануэль - это. Чего желаете. - Сеньор Ролдан из агентства сопровождения Белена сказал мне, что вы… Взмахом руки консьерж заставил Беккера остановиться и нервно оглядел фойе. - Почему бы нам не пройти сюда? - Он подвел Беккера к конторке.  - А теперь, - продолжал он, перейдя на шепот, - чем я могу вам помочь. Беккер тоже понизил голос: - Мне нужно поговорить с одной из сопровождающих, которая, по-видимому, приглашена сегодня к вам на обед. Ее зовут Росио.

Вид купола всегда приносил ей успокоение: он оказался маяком, посверкивающим в любой час суток.

Три строки по пять, семь и снова пять слогов. Во всех храмах Киото… - Довольно! - сказал Джабба.  - Если ключ - простое число, то что с. Варианты бесконечны. Конечно, Джабба прав.

Стоявшая за стойкой симпатичная андалузка посмотрела на него и ответила с извиняющейся улыбкой: - Acaba de salir. Вы на чуть-чуть опоздали.  - Ее слова словно повисли в воздухе.

Я чувствую. Ведь я слишком много знаю. - Успокойся, Грег. Сирена продолжала завывать. - Но я же ни в чем не виноват.

Это было письмо.

По-испански говорила очень плохо. - Она не испанка? - спросил Беккер. - Нет. Думаю, англичанка. И с какими-то дикими волосами - красно-бело-синими.

Он молился не об избавлении от смерти - в чудеса он не верил; он молился о том, чтобы женщина, от которой был так далеко, нашла в себе силы, чтобы ни на мгновение не усомнилась в его любви. Он закрыл глаза, и воспоминания хлынули бурным потоком. Он вспомнил факультетские заседания, лекции - все то, что заполняло девяносто процентов его жизни.

Британского флага нигде не было. Ясно, что ему не удастся влиться в это море, которое раздавит его, как утлую лодчонку. Рядом с ним кого-то рвало. Хорошенькая картинка. Беккер застонал и начал выбираться из расписанного краской из баллончиков зала.

Paul R. Brass

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